NEW ENGLAND COLORED CITIZENS' CONVENTION.

Pursuant to Call, a Convention of the Cleared Citizens of New England, to take into Incineration the best means of promoting their moral, social and political election, gathered in the Meionaon, in Boston, on Monday morning, Aug. 1st 1850.

Large delegations were in attendance from New Bedford, Springfield and Wooster, Massachusetts; from Rhode Island, Commitment and Maine, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Canada, and other sections of the Union were also represented.

The stand of the President and the tables of the reporters were groaned with elegant bouquets, presented by the ladies.

Before the transaction of say business, the audiences song a hymn commencing:—


'Ho! children of the brave,
Ho! freemen of the lend,
That hurled into the grave
Oppression's bloody band!
Come on, come on, and joined be we
To make the fettered bondman free!'

The Convention was called to order at 10 O'clock, A.M. by Wm. Wells Brown, who read the call. It was then temporally organized by the choice of Rev. Amos G. Boman, of Maine, as Chairman, and Belo C. Perry. of New Bedford, as Secretary.

The following were appointed a Committees on Permanent Organization:— John W. Lewis, Mains; Lewis Hayden, Henry O. Remington, Mark R. De Mortise, James Jefferson.

Prayer was offered by Rev. J.N. Gloucester, of New York.

A resolution flexing the basis of representation, and requesting each member of the Convention to pay a dollar towards the expenses, was denoted and adopted.

A Committee on Roll was then appointed, as follows :— Henry Wooden, Jeremiah Harvey, Edwards M. Bannister, J.N. Gloucester,

Charles Lenox Remind remarked that this Convention would be regarded as something of a curiosity, even in old Boston, and many people would look in upon its deliberations from motives of curiosity, and from other motives; but he hoped that solved people would not stand in the doors, and look in upon the Convention as upon a menageries. If they had no interest hear. they had better go somewhere sine. (Hear, hear, and applause.) The throng at the door did not diminish.

An original song, by Wm. Wells Brown, was then sung in a fine manner, to the tune of 'Auld Lang Sync.' The following is the first stanza:—


'Fling out the anti-slavery flag
On every swelling breeze;
And let its folds wave o'er the land,
And o'er the raging seas,
Till all beneath the standard-shoot
With new allegiance bow,
And pledge themselves to onward bear
The emblem of their Vow,'

In the absence of the Nomination Committee, WM. WELLS BROWN addressed the Convention , as follows:

Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens ,—The propriety of holding a Convention of the colored citizen of the New England States has been questioned. Some think that the time has gone by for having such a Convention ; others are of opinion that the time has not arrived. I confess that I am unfavorable to any gathering that shall seem like taking separate action from our white fellow-citizens; but it appears to me that just at the present time, such a meeting as this is needed. The colored people in the free States are in a distracted and unsettled condition. The Fugitive Slave Law, the Dred Scott Decision, and other inroads made upon the colored man's rights, make it necessary that they should come together that they may compare notes, talk over the cause of their sufferings, and see if any thing can be done to better their condition. Our old enemy the Colonization Society has taken advantage of the present state of feeling among us, and is doing all in its power to persuade us to go to Africa; the Emigration scheme has new life, and another enemy, under the name of the African Civilization Society, has sprung into existence, and beckons us to a home in a foreign land. Now, Mr. President, if this Convention shall do nothing more that to inspire our people with confidence in themselves, and cause them to resolve never to leave this their native land, it will have accomplished a good work. Our right to live here is as good as the white man's and is incorporated in the Declaration of Independence, in the passage which dealers 'that all men are crated equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,' Then let us remain here, and claim our rights upon the soil where our fathers fought side by side with the white man for freedom. Let us remain here. and labor to remove the chains from the limbs of our brethren on the banks of the Mississippi. Yes, let us stay here, and vindicate our right to citizenship, and pledge ourselves to aid in completing the Revolution for human freedom, commenced by the patriots of 1776, and see our country as free as the air we breaths.

We must take a manly stand, bid defiance to the Fugitive Slave Law. Dred Scott Decision, and every thing that shall attempt to fasten fetters upon us. We will 1st our white fellow-citizens see that we know our rights, and knowing, will maintain them.

I hope, Mr. President, that this Convention will stimulate our people to self-elevation. 'They who would be free themselves must strike the blow,' means something more than striking at our fellowman. We must free ourselves from ignorance and intemperance, and show that we respect ourselves, and this will wring respect from our enemies. We must educate our children, give them professions or trades, and let them have a capital within themselve4s, that shall gain them wealth and influence. We must recommend to our people to become possessors of the soil, too leave the large citizen, take to farming, and make themselves independent. And lastly, we must try to stir within them more interest in the Anti-Slavery cause, It is a lamentable fact, that colored men take too little interest in Conventions called by our white follow-citizens. Had they gone into those meetings and taken part, as they should, this Convention would have been somewhat cut of place.

Mr. Brown's remarks were cut short by the return of the Nominating Committee, who, through John W. Lewis, reported the following list of officers for the permanent organization of the Convention :—

President ,

GEORGE T. DOWNING, Of Rhode Island.

Vice Presidents— Ezra R. Johnson, Samuel Harrison, and John T. Hilton, of Massachusetts; Amos G. Boston, of Maine; Island Rice, of Rhode Island; William Andersen, of Connecticut; A.N. Freeman, of New York; William Still, or Pennsylvania; Jared Gray, of Illinois; J. Salla Martin, New York; Lewis Clark, Canada.

Secretaries —Charles H. Gardner, Boston; A.G. Jourdain, Jr. New Bedford; John T. Wangh, Previdence; Wm. H. Leonard, New York.

On motion of Mr. Brown, a comities of two was appointed to wait on the President, and cannot him to the chair. He was received with much appliance. He was met by the Chairman pro tem., who presented him, in behalf of the India of the Convention , with a beautiful vase of white roses, fucias, and other flowers, as taken of their appreciative of his noble labors in behalf of school rights in Rhode Island. The presentation was accompanied with a very most speech.

The following Business Committee was then appointed :—Willson C. Nell, Henry O. Remington, John W. Lawks Union Allen, James Jefferson, Bale C. Perry, Lewis Hayden, J.M. Gloucester, Edward R. Lawton, Wm. Wells Brown, Mrs. Ruth Rise Remond, Mark R. DaMartie, Robert Garden, Mrs. Eliza Logan Lawion, Henry Johnson.

The President then delivered the following address:—

A few days age, a friend wrote to me, and said that it was the intention of some of my friends to present my name for the Presidency of this Convention . He urged me to be present. I felt a deliency, because of a consciousness of my inability to properly discharge the trust that might be imposed; or rather, because I thought that there would be those present who would discharge the same with greater credit to themselves, and to the Convention . But my friends urging. I finally consented to serve, should the Convention manifest a desire that I should do so. So the honor you have conferred upon me in electing me your President is not altogether a surprise. But this unexpected surprise—the bouquet presented through you, kind sir, by the ladies of Boston, is more than I had any reason to expect. You say that they present it as a testimonial in appreciation of my efforts in Rhode Island, in behalf of equal school rights. It is true that I have labored for the same, but I have done no more than my duty. I have labored in this direction, because to me it seemed that in it lay the path of duty; that in it I might, not only serve justice and right, but my people and myself— my little ones.

Allow me to secure you, that whilst I have found the path rugged, difficult, and in many cases unpleasant, yet over and anon I have encountered bright spots. I have ever felt that I had, as my companions cheering me, justice, right and truth; and I am proud to receive these garlands at your hand to encircle their brows; for unto them it is move to award the praise.

Gentlemen, I have not left the plough to come into counsel, as did some men of old; but I have, I may say, stolen away from engagements in my calling, to have the advantage of being with you to-day, upon matters pertaining to our rights as men, and as Americans.

The great consideration that process upon me is, What may we do to make ourselves of more importance in community—necessary, indispensable? To sustain such a relation as this to community, (and it is possible,) is to secure, beyond a question, all the respect; is to make sure the enjoyment of all the rights that the most deferred to of the land enjoy. Society is deferential; it defers to power. Learning and wealth and power are most potent in society. It is not necessary that many men and women of us be wealthy and learned, before we can force respect as a class; but it is necessary that we exhibit a proportionate representative character for learning and wealth, to be respected. It is not numbers alone, it is not universal wealth, it is not general learning, that secures to those, known by a distinction in society as whites, that gains them power; for they are not generally wealthy, not commonly learned. The number of these among them, as in all communities, is limited; but that number form a representative character, some of whom excel; hence they have power—the class enjoy a name.

There is another sense of power in community, which, though silent, has its weight—it should be most potent: that power is moral character. This also, like the other powers of which I have spoken, need not be universal to have an effect favorable to a class. I think that I am not claiming too much for the colored people in asserting that we have a decent representation in this respect; a most remarkable, and, considering all the depressing influences which the present and preceding generations have had to struggle up under. Happily, this power on community is not growing less; it is on the increase. An illustration of the correctness of my position as to the power of a representative character for wealth and learning in commanding respect, is forcibly exhibited in the Celts in our midst, who come among us poor and ignorant, and who, consequently, fill menial, dependant positions. They are the least respected of all emigrants. In speaking thus, I am simply dealing with facts, not intending to be invidious. The German element, mingling into the general element which comes among us, representing a higher intelligence, more wealth, with great practical industry, is silently stealing a hold, a power in the nation, because of these possessions, at which native America will yet start. Now, gentlemen, if those be facts, is it not well for us, as sensible man here assembled, to consider our best interest—to have in view those sources of power? Would it not be well to consider these—to fall upon some plan by which we may possess or excite to the possession of them—rather than devote much of our time in a discussion as to the injustice of our fellow-countrymen in their relation to us? Of this they know full well, and we too bitterly.

The ballot is a power in this country, which should not be lost sight of by us. Were it more generally exercised by the colored people, the effect would be very perceptible. Those of them, residents of the States that deny them the privilege of the elective franchise, should earnestly strive to have the right and the power secured to them; those who have it, should never let an occasion pass, when they may consistently exercise it, without doing so. We know that the government and the States have acted most unfairly in their relation to us; but that government and the States, in doing so, have clearly disregarded justice, as well as perverted the legal interpretation of the supreme law of the land, as set forth in its Constitution; which facts alone require that we exercise the right to vote, whenever we can, toward correcting this injustice. Were it known on election day that any colored man would deposit a vote, that there would be a concert of action in doing so, the effect would be irresistible. Cannot such a vote be passed at the approaching Presidential election? Will the Republican party, (a party which is entitled to credit for the service it has rendered to the cause of Freedom,) put in nomination, in 1859, a man for whom we can, with some degree of consistency, and our ballots? It has such men in its ranks—prominent men of the party—men who are available.

I would have it noted, that we cannot vote for a man who subscribes to the doctrine, that, in struggling for freedom in a Presidential or any other election, he ignores the rights of the colored man.

There is an increased as well as an increasing respect for us in community. This is not simply because we have friends, (all praise to them,) who speak out boldly and uncompromisingly for the right: in fact, the most of their efforts have been directed towards relieving the country of the blight and of the injustice of slavery; but it is because our character, as a class, is better understood.

I was at school a pupil, when a colored boy was locked-up in a recitation room to produce a composition on a given subject, that the incredulity of the visitors might be satisfied; they doubting the capacity of a colored boy to produce a composition. Such an idea would, at present, be scouted; such a reflection would now, by the boy, be indignantly resented. At that day, if a colored person went to collect a bill, he was inquired of, 'Can you write your name?' New it is taken for granted. In all of our various marts may be soon colored men and boys, computing thousands without pencil or paper, with the rapidity of thought. These acquirements do not stop here, which fact is beginning to be known; but these are common once, with which community is becoming familiar, and all of which are erecting respect.

I will read some testimony from one of the papers of this city, the Boston Courier , a paper which I have heard styled Boston's pre-slavery organ. Whether it be a misnomer or not, I leave the Boston delegation to say; but this I do know,—I have read in its columns something that locked like a stealing of Anti-Slavery thunder. It said, not long ago, speaking is reference to the abolition of caste in the public schools of Boston, that—

'The abolotionists did not this hall in mother, and are fairly entitled to the credit of it. We may have say that we contemplate the change with unmingled satisfaction. We rejoice that colored men are not act apart in car churches from their white brethren, and that children of the two cases sit side by side upon the same benches at school.

'This can do us no harm, but only geed. If we are the superior ruse as we claim to be, we can in no way better show our superiority than by helping the inferior ruse to chase in our progress.'

At another time it said that—

'The colored population of Boston, during the last twenty-five years, has made very distinct and decided progress, and such progress is most honorable to them. They lead more moral and reputable lives; they are possessed of mere property, and live more comfortably; they are more anxious to improve their own minds, and to educate their children—indeed, their anxiety to have their children well educated, and the honest pains and sacrifices they are at to have them neatly dressed, are most creditable to them. These things show that they are entirely worthy of the boon which has been bestowed upon them, now in every town and city in the State, of having their children educated at the same schools with the whites.

'We are glad of this progress; we are also glad of the gradual melting away of the prejudices case entertained by their white brethren towards them. Certainly there never was any thing more unchristian than the spectacle which we can remember in the parish churches of New England, of a few colored worshippers stuck up in a sort of swallow's nest pew under the caves, so if they were lepers or pariahs. The man whose devotions are disturbed by having a family of well-behaved and decently dressed colored persons in the pew next to him may know much of the doctrines of Christianity, but is very little imbued with its spirit. We think Massachusetts is honorably distinguished by its bearing towards it colored population, not merely by giving them equal political privileges with the whites, but by the increasing willingness of its people to recognize their social rights, and to deal with them in a spirit of humanity and Christianity.'

Thus you see that we have a hopeful, and I will add, as inseparable, providential identity with this country; with its institutions, with the ideas connected with its formation, which were the uplifting of man —universal brotherhood. The Congress of the Confederation said in April, 1783, 'Let it be remembered, finally, that it has ever been the pride and boast of America, that the rights for which she contended were the rights of human nature. By the blessings of the Author of these rights on the means exerted for their defence, they have prevailed against all opposition, and form the basis of thirteen independent States.' We are the life of the nation's existence; a nation must have amuse to exhibit vitality. All of the great principles of the land are brought out and discussed in connection with the negro. But, for him, there would be sameness; the great principles, the great ethical school of the times, would be closed for the want of a subject. We are the alphabet; upon us, all are constructed. We, the descendants, to a great extent, of those most unjustly held in bondage, whose forefathers in Africa lived through ages of ignorance and superstition, against whom the world has been in arms; these were the most fit subjects to be selected to work out in perfection the realization of a great principle, the fraternal unity of man. THIS IS AMERICA'S MISSION. We suffer in the interim; but we can, as is abundantly proven, endure. We can and do hope. We are not, and cannot be, unmindful of Fugitive Slave Laws, Dred Scott decisions, American Colonization Societies, and of the latest, the African Civilization Society; these we can see through and endure. They may be regarded as sequences; they do annoy, but cannot permanently affect us. We will not be driven off; we will rear and educate our children here, in this our native land, around our sacred altars; altars which our children's children will gave upon here, and, if needs be, reconstruct; in a climate and a home congenial to us, and to the development of mind and manhood. All of the injustice and wrong that has, or may be heaped upon us—and it may come heavier—will not crush out that heaven-giving part of our nature, patriotism, love of home, of our native hills, of our verdant valleys.

The African slave trade will be opened. The effect will be the further introduction into the country of the African element—a a needed element. Aside from this providential ideas linking us with the country, which forbids our leaving it, even to engage in the Herculean task of going to Africa to take upon our shoulders a hundred and fifty millions of people, residents of another country, of a strange, and to us murderous land, to civilize and enlighten them; I think that we have not yet developed, or even had the chance to develop, the character necessary for such an undertaking. Such a character must grew out of the experience that begets wealth from learning, together with keen moral prepositions. Have we such a character? Twenty-five to thirty years is no unusual length of time for a man favorably situated, after he has begun to realize the true importance of wealth and intelligence, to acquire a reputation in these respects. That which is true of individuals, is most likely to be true of a class. Have we been thus favorable circumstanced? Have we studiously realized the importance of wealth and intelligence? Has not the studied policy of our oppressors been to ignore our manhood, crush out all aspirations? Go back with me twenty-five years. Do we not observe that the colored man enjoyed the advantages that he did, rather as favors than as of right? Did there seem to be a perfect conception of his rights as a man? Is not this even too true of to-day? I know that, in legislation, in administration, when our government was formed, that the government acknowledged the citizenship of the colored man of the country. The Constitution guaranteed it: which citizenship is, or should be, the basis of our national rights. It is further known that the States acted upon the same; as is satisfactorily seen by their having colored citizens along with white citizens, through representatives selected by them, to make laws for the government of the same. It is also true that some colored men, conscious of their manhood, that they were natives of the country, that they had stood side by side with their white fellow-countrymen in the battles that secured the freedom and rights of a common country, felt, demanded and exercised the prerogatives of American citizenship. Yes, as I have assorted, we have not yet developed the necessary character to go among a people, to christianize, civilize, and teach them the science of government. Nor is the fault entirely ours. We have our men, but not a single representative man to spars. The debased, the indifferent, should not be shipped off to Africa. Africa is crying out already, 'Send us no more of such.'

I wish it to be most emphatically noticed, that WE no NOT DISPAIR—that we are scanning the bright future. Our hope is in the rising generation. We look to the public school. This is the great tutor, here, where mind jostles with mind, where consciences of equality is taught; in the public school, where our children are being educated to confident manly contact.

When we shall have worked out our redemption lines, when we shall not be chargeable with cowardice in fleeing from difficulties that can and should be overcome, them may many of us, with our fellow-countrymen, take up the missionary cross, in other missionary fields. But let us first get wealthy, intelligent and wise here in our native land. As for slavery, it is doomed. Whether it is to end by peaceful or beady means, I cannot say—I hope by the farmer.

A resolution which the famous Committee of Thirteen in the city of New York, compressed of colored men, adopted in 1850, now occurs to me. It said that many of the ablest men of the country, both in and cut of Congress, were risking their brains to conceive some compromise by which the question of slavery could be settled; but it was their deliberate opinion that it would not be settled, or have any rest, until slavery was abolished. Does not nine years' experience strengthen the conviction which these thirteen colored men entertained in 1850?

A planter in one of the British West India Islands, previous to the abolition of slavery, dispatched at night-fall one of his slaves, in great hosts, on a commission to a distant plantation. The journey occupied some time. When the slave arrived at the plantation, fatigued and sleepy, and had delivered his dispatch, and was waiting for a reply, he leaned against the dear-case, and dosed. The planter's slave in attendance chided him for sleeping in the presence of his master, when the slave replied, 'Sleep knows no master.' Since that time, this conception of freedom has been realized universally in every British West India island, not only in its application to sleep, but as a realization enjoyed such wakeful moment. No small share of the interest that attends this gathering is the recollection of the fast, that on this day, twenty-five years age, eight hundred thousand man and women realized not only that sleep knows no master, but that they should not be obliged to recognize, in any situation, the title as existing between them and any men.

History has its record of living events lung age enacted, which will live through time; this event, this British not, among the brightest of Britain's acts, is to be classed with such; an set reanimating by a decree hundreds of thousands of imbruted beings; an not acknowledging the Divine image in man. This English eat, with others as bright, makes England stand out as Humanity's hand-maid, with a Queen guiding. We carry about us in our imagination the sainted forms of these good men and women of Britain, who labored so long, so faithfully and so well for the event which cause a hale of light to encircle the first of August in Freedom's calendar. 'Sleep knows no master.' We hope and believe that, seen, no slave represented in a hypocritical church, or a sycophantic North licking the dust for office, will stand ready to chide those who would enjoy freedom, either sleeping or awake, on American soil. When this shall be, it will not be long before another glorious day shall be specially not apart as sacred to Liberty.

WILLIAM C. NELL from the Business Committee then reported in part—

Without being wedded to separate Conventions , yet believing that from agitation in various phases grows information, conviction and repentance; and that Conventions do assist in creating public opinion, as well as to concentrate and express that opinion, being a medium through which we can protest against the obstacles retarding our moral, social, and political elevation,—compare notes one with another,—stimulation ourselves each and all to renewed efforts, we have convened to-day in this place, within a stone's throw from the spot where fail the colored man Crisp us Attacks, the first martyr in the American Revolution, March 5th, 1770, and within eight rods from his yet unmonumented grave, to do our part in obtaining for ourselves and posterity the full measure of blessings and rights, which the example and influence of his foresight, love of liberty, patriotic leadership and martyr death should long since have secured.

In accordance therewith, the Business Committee respectfully beg leave to submit for the consideration of this Convention the following resolutions:—

Resolved, That this Convention sends its greeting to the multitudes in America, England, West Indies, Canada, and wherever else assembled, whose grateful songs and eloquent words unite in celebrating this, the twenty-fifty anniversary of the day, luminous in the world's calendar, when 'Britannia's justice, wealth and might,' severed the chains from 800,000 men, women and children in her 'beautiful isles of the sea,' which on that glorious 1st of August, 1834, 'welcomed freedom as an angel from above.' But while we rejoice with those who, although in a monarch's domain, have abundant reason for rejoicing, our joy is mixed with sorrow: we must weep with those who, in Republican America, 'our own loved but guilty land,' this day weep, became slavery's galling fetters yet clank upon their limbs—whose aspirations by day and dreams by night are a blended offering to the God of freedom that they too may soon great their day of jubilee.

Whereas, The Austrian Empire, whose usurpations against Italy have just caused the fields of Lombardy to be reddened with human blood, yet retains an imperial edict, 'that any slave, from the moment he treads on the soil of her royal dominions, or even merely steps on board of an Austrian vessel, shall be free: and

Whereas, Our sister State, Vermont, has, by her last year's legislation, so far emulated Austria, that any slave reaching her soil shall be as secure from the clutch of his self-styled owner as are the hoses of her everlasting Green Mountains: and

Whereas, Desirous that the old Bay State shall be as free from the sin and shame of slavery, that never more from Barnstable to Berkshire, there shall be occasion for such scenes as the Latimer was, the William and Ellen Craft excitement, the rescue of Shadrach, the rendition of Thomas Sims and Anthony Burns, and last, but far from least, the recent one of a Cape Cod captain sending back to slavery a man who had escaped in his vessel; therefore,

Resolved, That this Convention do endorse and urge the masses to sign the petition of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, asking the Legislature 'to put an and to slave-hunting in Massachusetts.'

Whereas, It being the settled policy of the Administrators of the United States Government to keep in chains the millions now held as slaves in the Southern States, and to oppress and degrade the free colored people of this country, and to build up barriers and create distinctions between the different races; therefore be it

Resolved, That we held it to be a self-evident truth, that all men, irrespective of color or condition, have a natural, indefeasible right to life, liberty, and the possession of property, without proscription or hindrance; and every species of involuntary servitude, except for the punishment of crimes, is in direct contravention to every principle of humanity, justice and patriotism.

Resolved, That it is the legitimate purpose of all governments exercising jurisdiction over men, whether they be State or National, to protect such individual member in the full enjoyment of every natural or conventional right, which is not required or surrendered for the good of society in general.

Resolved, That the decision of Chief Justice Taney and his slaveholding associates of the United States Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott case, is marked by a brutality of spirit, a daring disregard of all historical verity, a defiant contempt of State sovereignty, a wanton perversion of the Constitution of the United States in regard to the rights of American citizens, an audacious denial of all the principles of justice and humanity; and justly calls for the condemnation of the friends of human liberty throughout the world.

Whereas, The Anti-Slavery movement, moral and political, rests upon the basis of equality and of justice to the colored man, bond and free, of the whole country; it can have no other foundation, and can have no success worthy of the name when this principle is disavowed or neglected; therefore,

Resolved, That ever ready to acknowledge the faithfulness of those leaders of the Republican party who have exerted themselves in favor of the colored man's equality, we have had cause to regret many departures from this standard—including the vote given in Congress by Hon. Linus B. Comins and Hon. Eli Thayer for the admission of Oregon into the Union with a Constitution containing prohibitive clauses against the citizenship of colored Americans.

Resolved, That we pronounce such votes to be against justice, against equality, and against the principles by which the Republican party professes to be guided, and by which alone it can be made worth sustaining.

Resolved, That the thanks of the Convention are due, and are hereby expressed, to Hon. Henry L. Dawes, of the 11th Congressional District, for his speech in opposition to the odious and unconstitutional provision of the Oregon Constitution, and to him and those of his colleagues who voted against the admission of that State into the Union.

Resolved, That is view of the fact, that is several States of the Union where the Republican party is in the accordant, the elective franchise of colored citizens in denied or its privileges abridged, we would earnestly call upon the party to take a mostly position upon this and co-relative questions, that they may deserve what they would undoubtedly receive— the suffrages of all voters who love the cause of freedom.

Resolved, That this Convention would recommend colored voters to perm threes claim upon the Republican party, that, if defeated, it may not be by any fault of there.

The following were accepted as Committee on R. names:—John J. Smith, Nelson L. Perkins, Lloyd H. Brooks, Ellen Sherman, George W. Lowther, Anne E. Gray, George Allen.

Committee on Rules and Orders:—We, with Brown, Nelson L. Parkas, Charles A. Pelvis.

The Committee on Rules an Orders reported. A rule limiting speakers to fifteen minutes was append by Charles Lenox Remand, who hoped no man would speak who had nothing to say: and in following out another theme, complained that colored man were not sufficiently aggressive when their rights were in question; they smiled when they ought to frown.

WH. WELLS BROWN defected the rule. It was calculated to give a chance to these members of the convention who were usually kept silent by two or them eloquent gentleman who talked all the times.

The rules were adopted.

A resolution requiring collections in the forenoon and afternoon, and an admission free to the evening session to all but delegate, elicited more dreams. Mr. Remond complained of the previous policy of the colored people, and several delegates from abroad objected to the admission fee.

The resolution was adopted. At a quarter better: o'clock, the Convention adjourned until half-: o'clock.

After the adjournment, the slave Maria, who was taken from Plymouth on a writ of habeas corpus, came upon the stand, and received the cognation of her friends.

SECOUND SESSION. The Convention reassembled at 2 1/2 o'clock. A song entitled, 'Free the Bondman,' by James H. Dean, was sung to the air, 'Scots wha hae wi' Wallace bled.'

On motion of Mr. William Wells Brown, from the Committee on Rules and Orders, a Committee, assisting of T.W. Steamburg, of Baton, and they Johnson, of Cambridge, was appointed, to direct those attending the Convention to seats.

Mr. Nell read the series of relationship which submitted during the morning series, and the President announced them as before the Convention for discussion.

Mr. Nell them brought forward a rather looking paper, the Boston Gentlemen or Wealthy Journal , dated Tuesday, November 20, 1760, from which he read the following advertisement:—

'Ram away from his muster, Wm. Brown, Framingham, on the 30th of September last, a Mulatto Fellow, about 27 years of age, named Crimson, well 6 foot 2 inches in height, short Curled Hair, Knees nearer together than common, had on a light colored Buckskin Coat, brown Fustian Jacket, new Buckskin Britches, blue yarn stockings, and a chocked short.

Mr. Nell said—It will be remembered that at the Fanenil Hall commemoration of the Boston Session (March 5th, 1858,) Samuel H. Brown, Esq., a grandson of the above William Brown, was promote, at narrated to several pareses the traditions extant in the family relating to Crispus Attudks,—of his goblet, powder-horn, &C.

It seems that Crispus was imbued with the spirit of liberty in thus declaring independence of his master. He subsequently came to Boston, and worked in a ropewalk at the North and, where he rallied the men to the attack of the English forces in King street, himself being the first martyr, though a slave, in that struggle which resulted in liberty in them United States—securing to them the boon they have denied to his race.

It is somewhat remarkable that, although the impetus to the American Revolution, was undeniably given on the 5th of March, 1770, and to regaled by the orators and writers of those times, yet by man personal, at the present day, this great fact is which ignored. For instance: F.O.C. Dearly, a known artist, has recently drawn a fine Annan historical picture of the Battle of Lexington of Concerted, with the caption, 'First Blow for Liberator and in the Doric Hall of the State Hence is to be the cannon dedicated to Major John Buttrick and Capt. Isaac Davis for their services at Concord Bridge, April 19th, 1775, on which is inscribed, 'This was the beginning of a contest in teems that could a American Independence.'

Now, without the least desire to dispersive the Finance of the battles of Lexington and Consul upon the revolutionary struggles, they cannot with justify be called the sects of the first blow for liberty. under the 19th of April, 1775, precedes in the calendar March 5th, 1770.

A motion was made to reconsider the resolution adopted during the morning session, nothing is payment of one dollar the basic of membership of the Convention .

Mr. Henry Johnson, delegate from New Bedford, objected to the imposition of a tax upon each individual member of the Convention , proffering the them alone who were delegates should bear the campus as well as the responsibilities of the Convention . The New Bedford delegation had come prepared to do their part.

The chairman called the attention of the Convention to the call. which did yet specify the Convention to be one of delegates alone, but of the colored citizens of New England.

Several other speakers participated in the discussion, which waxed warm, At length, it was terminated, under load calls for the 'question,' which being taken, resulted in a defeat of the motion to reconsider.

Rev. J. Stella Martin, of Buffalo, was introduced by the President. He said this was the anniversary of West India emancipation, and therefore of much interest. He was well aware that many people looked upon this Convention as did the children of has upon the people of Babylon, but hoped the numbers had come up to the Convention with all the solemnity which the subjects to he considered denuded. The should turn to the down-trodden millions of the South, and say to them 'that when we forget their interests, may our right hands forget their canning.' He upon with earnestness the established of mean to be vote individual members of free colored race, contending that as yet there had been no local, systematized effort to correct the evils which existed in colored communities, or to elevate the individual Something was needed to encourage young man embark in new enterprises. The only hope existing for the elevation of the colored race was to made the young men feel that they were in intangible part of the community. He saw no reason why they should not feel that they were citizens of Boston, and a part of Massachusetts.

Charles L. Remond followed in an earnest speech, directed capriole towards the white persons present. He sharply rebuked these who were in attention and who dared not come forward, and saw there opinion upon the platform which the Convention had crowded. He hoped that no passage would feel himself excluded from speaking by the more passions by which they, the colored people, were excluded from participating is the deliberations of white assemblies. comblion. They (the colored people) were to-day of the majority. This was their Fourth of July, and the man was n count coward the who refuse dot speak badly for freedom. Their cause wall dropped into the newspaper, the pulpit, on 'change, and every where formed the engrossing topic of discussion. He want for the immediate, unconditional emancipation of the salves of the South, and the unconditional equality of the white and black races of the North; and, God helping, every slave would yet be free in the South, and he would yet be a free man is Massachusetts.

(Remainder of proceedings next week.)


The Liberator, August 19, 1859